Showing posts with label Rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Rights. Show all posts

Thursday, 7 May 2026

"Freedom is not entitlement."

"This is because we believe in freedom. ...

"Freedom is not empowerment. Empowerment is what the Serbs ha[d] in [1990s] Bosnia. Anybody can grab a gun and be empowered.

"It’s not entitlement. An entitlement is what people on welfare get, and how free are they? It’s not an endlessly expanding list of rights — the 'right' to education, the 'right' to health care, the 'right' to food and housing. That’s not freedom, that’s dependency. Those aren’t rights, those are the rations of slavery — hay and a barn for human cattle.

"There is only one basic human right, the right to do as you damn well please. And with it comes the only basic human duty, the duty to take the consequences."
~ PJ O'Rourke from his 1993 'Liberty Manifesto'

RELATED:

Thursday, 26 March 2026

Are human rights a gift from government?

"Roy, a commenter on my 'Lessons from Iran,' says there is no such thing as human rights: 'Human rights [he says] are given and allowed by Governments.' ...

"If Roy is right, it means that the Iranian people do not have the right to life or liberty because the government of Iran has not given and allowed them to have those rights. By way of an opposite example, it also means that New Zealanders have those rights only because the government has given them to us or allowed us to have them. ...

"John Locke (1632-1704) produced the rationale for certain rights to exist independently of any expression of them in government legislation or the common law. I go into detail below, but the essence is that human beings have certain characteristics which differentiate them from other living things, characteristics which demand of each person that they allow every other person to live their own lives without forcing them or attempting to force them to act or not to act in a particular way.

"That means each person has the right to be left alone and each person has the reciprocal obligation to leave everyone else alone.

"This is a moral imperative, and humans may occasionally or habitually refuse or fail to act in that way. That’s why we have laws proscribing certain conduct. ...

"Humans cannot sustain and live their lives in the uniquely human way unless they are free to do so. Freedom is the fundamental ‘human’ right. It subsumes the right to life because if the individual’s freedom is respected, so also his life will not be in jeopardy from others’ aggressions. It subsumes the right to pursue happiness because if the individual is free, he is free to pursue happiness so long as in doing so he does not trample on others’ freedom.

"The caveat “so long as in doing so he does not trample on others’ freedom,” is vital. It is why so many so-called rights are bogus because, for example, they involve taking from others thereby violating the others’ right to be free."

Tuesday, 27 January 2026

"Neo-Aristotelian ethics offers a powerful alternative to modern moral theories that struggle to explain why morality has the authority it does."

"In much of twentieth-century moral philosophy, ethics was rebuilt ... [Once p]hilosophers ... abandoned the idea that things have natures or essences that determine what counts as their flourishing. ... morality [instead] had to be reconstructed in other ways: by appealing either to outcomes (consequentialism), or to rules (deontology), or to agreements (contractualism), or to sentiments (expressivism). The result was an ethics often detached from the way we ordinarily evaluate living things in the world.
"Neo-Aristotelian ethics [by contrast] is a deliberate return to an older starting point. ... [that] revives Aristotle’s central insight: that moral evaluation is a species of natural evaluation. To call a human being good is, in a deep sense, analogous to calling a wolf healthy, an oak tree flourishing, or a heart sound. Morality is not imposed from outside human life by rules or calculations; it arises from the kind of beings we are.

"This approach does not represent a nostalgic return to antiquity. It is a highly contemporary, analytically precise attempt to restore a metaphysical foundation that many modern ethical theories quietly lack. ...

"* Rights, dignity, and human nature

"Modern moral discourse frequently appeals to human rights and dignity, but often without explaining why humans possess them. Neo-Aristotelian ethics provides a grounding: humans have rights because of the kind of beings they are. Their rationality, sociability, and capacity for flourishing make certain forms of treatment incompatible with their nature.

"Thus rights are not abstract moral inventions, but discoveries about what respect for human life requires.

"* A return to realism

"Perhaps the most striking feature of neo-Aristotelian ethics is its realism. Moral judgements are not expressions of emotion or social convention. They are claims about how a certain kind of being ought to live in order to flourish.

"To say that cruelty is wrong is, on this view, as objective as saying that a plant deprived of sunlight is unhealthy. Both are evaluations grounded in the nature of the organism.

"This realism reconnects ethics with biology, psychology, and anthropology. It restores continuity between our understanding of life and our understanding of morality.

"* Conclusion: ethics restored to its natural home

"Neo-Aristotelian ethics offers a powerful alternative to modern moral theories that struggle to explain why morality has the authority it does. By returning to the idea that humans have a nature and that flourishing is measured against it, it makes moral evaluation intelligible in the same way that natural evaluation is.

"Ethics becomes neither rule-worship nor outcome-calculation, but a reflection on what it means to live well as the kind of creature we are.

"In doing so, neo-Aristotelian ethics does not merely revive Aristotle. It restores to moral philosophy a metaphysical foundation that allows morality to be seen, once again, as part of the natural order of things."
~ Tim Harding from his post on 'Neo-Aristotelian Ethics'

Wednesday, 14 January 2026

'Trump’s Gestapo is now murdering protestors'

"ICE is Trump's Gestapo or SS. They have no proper function, no constitutional authorisation, and are loyal to Trump personally. ... (My use of 'Gestapo' is figurative. Literally, ICE is the transition to that kind of evil agency.) ...

"In Minneapolis on Wednesday, an ICE agent murdered a woman in her car. ... Trump’s goon squad, created out of xenophobia, shot a non-violent protestor three times in the face, killing her. ...

"The next day another shooting by federal border patrol agents (not ICE) occurred in Portland. ...

"Trump has claimed that the [murdered] victim was part of a 'far Left' network. Even if true, which I've heard no evidence to support, how does that justify killing her? If far Left organisations are protesting ICE and deportations, good for them.

"The two young people shot in Portland were not killed and are in the hospital. The Trump line is that they were part of a criminal drug gang and were here illegally. Drug gangs exist only because of the drug Prohibition. There are no Gatorade gangs, no chocolate bar cartels. Why not? Because these things are not illegalised and their prices are such as earn an average rate of profit. ...

"The [American] public's wrong view of immigrants and wrong ideas regarding drugs are enabling a power-mad low-life to change America into a police state.

"The public's wrong view could not have happened without the destruction of the concept of individual rights. ..."
~ Harry Binswanger from his post 'Trump’s Gestapo is now murdering protestors'

Saturday, 29 November 2025

A Thanksgiving Sermon

Thanksgiving isn't a New Zealand holiday, but giving thanks should be a universal trait.

Robert Green Ingersoll was the nineteenth-century's Christopher Hitchens—a famous and crusading atheist—like Hitchens except Ingersoll was kinder, and not a Trotskyite. And he was full of gratitude. This, here, was just a portion (the final part, starting page 58) ) of his famous 1897 Thanksgiving Sermon [hat tip Jerry Coyne] ...

A Thanksgiving Sermon

by Robert Green Ingersoll

Whom shall we thank? 

Standing here at the close of the 19th century — amid the trophies of thought — the triumphs of genius — here under the flag of the Great Republic — knowing something of the history of man — here on this day that has been set apart for thanksgiving, I most reverently thank the good me,. the good women of the past, I thank the kind fathers, the loving mothers of the savage days.  I thank the father who spoke the first gentle word, the mother who first smiled upon her babe. I thank the first true friend.

I thank the savages who hunted and fished that they and their babes might live. I thank those who cultivated the ground and changed the forests into farms — those who built rude homes and watched the faces of their happy children in the glow of fireside flames — those who domesticated horses, cattle and sheep — those who invented wheels and looms and taught us to spin and weave — those who by cultivation changed wild grasses into wheat and corn, changed bitter things to fruit, and worthless weeds to flowers, that sowed within our souls the seeds of art. 

I thank the poets of the dawn — the tellers of legends — the makers of myths — the singers of joy and grief, of hope and love. I thank the artists who chiseled forms in stone and wrought with light and shade the face of man. I thank the philosophers, the thinkers, who taught us how to use our minds in the great search for truth. 

I thank the astronomers who explored the heavens, told us the secrets of the stars, the glories of the constellations — the geologists who found the story of the world in fossil forms, in memoranda kept in ancient rocks, in lines written by waves, by frost and fire — the anatomists who sought in muscle, nerve and bone for all the mysteries of life — the chemists who unraveled Nature’s work that they might learn her art — the physicians who have laid the hand of science on the brow of pain, the hand whose magic touch restores — the surgeons who have defeated Nature’s self and forced her to preserve the lives of those she laboured to destroy. I thank the discoverers of chloroform and ether, the two angels who give to their beloved sleep, and wrap the throbbing brain in the soft robes of dreams. 

I thank the great inventors — those who gave us movable type and the press, by means of which great thoughts and all discovered facts are made immortal — the inventors of engines, of the great ships, of the railways, the cables and telegraphs. I thank the great mechanics, the workers in iron and steel, in wood and stone. I thank the inventors and makers of the numberless things of use and luxury.

I thank the industrious men, the loving mothers, the useful women. They are the benefactors of our race. The inventor of pins did a thousand times more good than all the popes and cardinals, the bishops and priests — than all the clergymen and parsons, exhorters and theologians that ever lived. The inventor of matches did more for the comfort and convenience of mankind than all the founders of religions and the makers of all creeds — than all malicious monks and selfish saints.

I thank the honest men and women who have expressed their sincere thoughts, who have been true to themselves and have preserved the veracity of their souls.

I thank the thinkers of Greece and Rome. Zeno and Epicurus, Cicero and Lucretius. I thank Bruno, the bravest, and Spinoza, the subtlest of men.

I thank Voltaire, whose thought lighted a flame in the brain of man, unlocked the doors of superstition’s cells and gave liberty to many millions of his fellow-men. Voltaire — a name that sheds light. Voltaire — a star that superstition’s darkness cannot quench.

I thank the great poets — the dramatists. I thank Homer and Aeschylus, and I thank Shakespeare above them all. I thank Burns for the heart-throbs he changed into songs. for his lyrics of flame. I thank Shelley for his Skylark, Keats for his Grecian Urn and Byron for his Prisoner of Chillon. I thank the great novelists. I thank the great sculptors. I thank the unknown man who moulded and chiseled the Venus de Milo. I thank the great painters. I thank Rembrandt and Corot. I thank all who have adorned, enriched and ennobled life — all who have created the great, the noble, the heroic and artistic ideals.

I thank the statesmen who have preserved the rights of man. I thank Paine whose genius sowed the seeds of independence in the hearts of ’76. I thank Jefferson whose mighty words for liberty have made the circuit of the globe. I thank the founders, the defenders, the saviors of the Republic. I thank Ericsson, the greatest mechanic of his century, for the monitor. I thank Lincoln for the Proclamation. I thank Grant for his victories and the vast host that fought for the right, — for the freedom of man. I thank them all — the living and the dead.

I thank the great scientists — those who have reached the foundation, the bed-rock — who have built upon facts — the great scientists, in whose presence theologians look silly and feel malicious.

The scientists never persecuted, never imprisoned their fellow-men. They forged no chains, built no dungeons, erected no scaffolds — tore no flesh with red hot pincers — dislocated no joints on racks, crushed no hones in iron boots — extinguished no eyes — tore out no tongues and lighted no fagots. They did not pretend to be inspired — did not claim to be prophets or saints or to have been born again. They were only intelligent and honest men. They did not appeal to force or fear. They did not regard men as slaves to be ruled by torture, by lash and chain, nor as children to be cheated with illusions, rocked in the cradle of an idiot creed and soothed by a lullaby of lies.

They did not wound — they healed. They did not kill — they lengthened life. They did not enslave — they broke the chains and made men free. They sowed the seeds of knowledge, and many millions have reaped, are reaping, and will reap the harvest: of joy.

I thank Humboldt and Helmholtz and Haeckel and Buchner. I thank Lamarck and Darwin — Darwin who revolutionized the thought of the intellectual world. I thank Huxley and Spencer. I thank the scientists one and all.

I thank the heroes, the destroyers of prejudice and fear — the dethroners of savage gods — the extinguishers of hate’s eternal fire — the heroes, the breakers of chains — the founders of free states — the makers of just laws — the heroes who fought and fell on countless fields — the heroes whose dungeons became shrines — the heroes whose blood made scaffolds sacred — the heroes, the apostles of reason, the disciples of truth, the soldiers of freedom — the heroes who held high the holy torch and filled the world with light.

With all my heart I thank them all.
* * * * 

Monday, 24 November 2025

"Real liberalism has been tried." And it was good.

"Real liberalism has been tried.

"First it [recognised rights and] created the Constitution.

"Then it abolished slavery.

"Then it ended segregation.

"Then it created the greatest surge of prosperity in history.

"Our problems today are not because liberalism failed.

"They are because we failed liberalism."
~ Joshua Read Eakle from his tweet [hat tip Stephen Hicks]

Thursday, 20 November 2025

Should we end capitalism? Or embrace it.

"Capitalism ... has been, blamed for various ills, from poverty and income inequality to pollution, inflation, child labour, and war. ... Capitalism is misunderstood because it is often confused with today’s mixed economy that combines varying degrees of economic freedom and statism. Statism gives the government unlimited power that it uses to tax, regulate, and subsidize individuals and businesses and to hand out favors (government contracts, lower tax rates, subsidies) to companies that make political contributions and do the government’s bidding.

"Because of this confusion, people blame capitalism for problems caused by the mixed economy and statism in particular.

"Consider poverty and income equality. Poverty is most persistent in countries where the government deters wealth creation through high levels of market controls, taxation, and corruption that constrain economic growth, entrepreneurship, job opportunities, and people’s ability to work themselves out of poverty and improve their incomes. The same can be said of child labour (a consequence of poverty), inflation (caused by government manipulation of the money supply, not by business seeking to maximise profits in a free market), and war (caused by government invasion of another country).

"Capitalism does not cause the problems it is blamed for but provides solutions by safeguarding freedom. ...

"In Ayn Rand’s definition, “capitalism is a social system based on the recognition of individual rights, including property rights, in which all property is privately owned.” In such a system, the government’s role is limited to protecting individual freedom ... by deterring and punishing the initiation of physical force against others ... Under capitalism, the only way to get others to collaborate is through persuasion and voluntary trade.

"Although pure laissez-faire capitalism has never fully existed ... some historical periods and countries have approximated capitalism ... [Northern] America during the 19th century (the longest uninterrupted period of peace); England, France, and other European countries during the Enlightenment (that brought about the Industrial Revolution); Hong Kong (before China’s takeover); and smaller countries like Estonia (that liberalised their economies after the collapse of the Soviet Union).

"Capitalism is good for people and their environment because it produces and protects freedom, the social condition that human flourishing requires. ... [C]apitalism did not create today’s problems but has helped solve or reduce them. ...

"If we want human flourishing to increase, we must not reject and banish capitalism but embrace and defend it ... "
~ Jaana Woiceshyn from her post 'Should we end capitalism?'

Monday, 17 November 2025

"There may be damage – serious damage – to public trust and confidence in the Police when the rot and corruption are present at such a high level."

"The Rule of Law is one of the foundational principles of constitutional democracy. ... Its essence is that law—not individuals—governs the polity, and that all exercises of public power must be rooted in, constrained by, and accountable to the law. ... Public officials—from Ministers to constables—must act within and according to the legal powers Parliament or the Constitution grants.

"All individuals—from Prime Ministers to ordinary citizens—are equally subject to the law. ...

"The Rule of Law constrains Government power and ensures that majorities cannot act outside legal limits.

"It protects individual rights and freedoms. ...

"But the Rule of Law goes beyond the institutional realm. It operates through a culture of legality. It requires respect for legal norms by citizens and officials, habitual compliance by state actors, a commitment to constitutionalism, openness to scrutiny, and entrenched expectations of fair process. ... At the front line of the Rule of Law in our society are the Police and the Courts. Both rely on public trust and confidence for their continued legitimacy. ...

"Society expects the highest standards of its police officers from the constable on the beat to the Commissioner’s office in Wellington. And when those standards are not present there must be an almost automatic erosion of public confidence in the Police.

"Indeed the Police force has had its problems recently. A failure by Police to alert the Beehive when a press secretary’s phone was found at a brothel; more than 100 police recruits who had been allowed to start training despite failing fitness and language tests; that over the last 5 years a total of 159 serving police officers have been charged with crimes including serious family violence and sexual offending – none have been dismissed. In October 2025 it was revealed that more than 100 officers are under investigation for falsifying breath tests.

"And it is clear, from the McSkimming scandal, that the rot was at the highest level. ...

"[Quite] apart from the various other elements of cover-up and evasiveness on the part of the Police top brass there was their use of the Courts to prosecute a complainant and use Court processes to further the cover-up.

"There may be damage – serious damage – to public trust and confidence in the Police when the rot and corruption are present at such a high level. But in addition the activities of these officers challenges some fundamentals that underpin their independence and the Rule of Law.

"Like it or not another institution central to the Rule of Law that depends on public trust and confidence – the Courts – has become involved. ...

"Ultimately, public confidence depends on citizens seeing the courts and the Police as fair, impartial, and accessible - institutions that reflect their values while standing above politics and corruption.

"Without that faith the Police are no more than a paper tiger, distrusted and to be avoided in times of trouble.

"Without that faith, the judiciary’s moral authority—the only sword it wields—grows dangerously blunt.

"And in either case, the Rule of Law suffers."
~ Cranmer from his post 'Public Confidence and the Rule of Law'

Monday, 20 October 2025

Rights

"When unlimited and unrestricted by individual rights, a government is man's deadliest enemy. It is not as protection against 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘵𝘦 actions, but against governmental actions that the Bill of Rights was written."
~ Ayn Rand from her essay ‘Man’s Rights

Tuesday, 16 September 2025

"Capitalism is the only system where the state’s role is servant, not master."

"Capitalism is the only system where the state’s role is servant, not master, limited to protecting rights and banning force and fraud. When it oversteps, that isn’t capitalism failing, it’s the state abandoning capitalism. 
    "In every other system, there’s no confusion: the state is master by design. 
    "And anarchism doesn’t escape this dynamic, without a rights-protecting state, power doesn’t vanish, it shifts to gangs and warlords. The real choice isn’t no master, but whether the state is master over men or servant to their rights."
~ Rock Chartrand

Wednesday, 10 September 2025

15 YEARS AGO: Getting property rights right: 'Mixing my labour'?

 Here's a NOT PC post from fifteen years ago correcting a major error: the importance and defence of your rights in property.

Despite scoring well in international surveys, which manage to award NZ high scores for property rights despite any real support, a recent Treasury report acknowledged "New Zealand is distinguished by having among the weakest protection of private rights in the OECD, a history of confiscation of private property rights, and a long-standing failure to recognise the protection of the basic human right of property rights."

On the rare occasion that property rights are mentioned, or even more rarely supported, proponents will talk about the rights being derived from something called "mixing one's labour" with the property in question. 

I hate to dump on John Locke, who famously made that claim, but that's no more accurate than Karl Marx's misbegotten notion that value is derived by the amount of physical labour mixed with a thing ...

WHERE DO PROPERTY RIGHTS come from? And what did John Locke get right?

It’s important to remember that the concept even of individual rights “is so new in human history that most men have not grasped it fully to this day.”  Indeed, only two centuries before Europeans arrived in New Zealand, to most Europeans as well they remained a complete mystery.

In accordance with the two theories of ethics, the mystical or the social, some men assert that rights are a gift of God—others, that rights are a gift of society. But, in fact, the source of rights is man’s nature. 
    “The Declaration of Independence stated that men ‘are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.’ Whether one believes that man is the product of a Creator or of nature, the issue of man’s origin does not alter the fact that he is an entity of a specific kind—a rational being—that he cannot function successfully under coercion, and that rights are a necessary condition of his particular mode of survival. 
    “The source of man’s rights is not divine law or congressional law, but the law of identity. A is A—and Man is Man. Rights are conditions of existence required by man’s nature for his proper survival. If man is to live on earth, it is right for him to use his mind, it is right to act on his own free judgment, it is right to work for his values and to keep the product of his work. If life on earth is his purpose, he has a right to live as a rational being: nature forbids him the irrational.” 

Flawed beginnings

But where do rights come from, what is their source? Some men assert that rights are either a gift of God or a gift of society -- that men are either “endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights,” or are endowed by legislators with certain contingent rights that they may alienate at any time of their choosing.

Neither is particularly compelling on its own.

Neither is it enough to say that because we own our bodies, then we must therefore also own all the products of our bodies—it should be obvious this is a species of begging the question.  Not to mention tremendously confusing for our bodily wastes.

And it’s not correct to say that the source of property is that the concept makes goods “non-rivalrous” –since this confuses a consequence for a cause: everyone knows whose goods are whose because folk do have various rights in those goods. But that doesn’t explain why they do.

John Locke famously argued that we acquire rights in the property with which we mix our own labour:

Though the Earth, and all inferior Creatures be common to all Men, yet every Man has a Property in his own Person. This no Body has any Right to but himself. The Labour of his Body, and the Work of his Hands, we may say, are properly his. Whatsoever then he re-moves out of the State that Nature hath provided, and left it in, he hath mixed his Labourwith, and joyned to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his Property. It being by him removed from the common state Nature placed it in, it hath by this labour something annexed to it, that excludes the common right of other Men. For this Labour being the un-questionable Property of the Labourer, no Man but he can have a right to what that is once joyned to, at least where there is enough and as good left in common for others.

You see immediately that, right from the off, Locke virtually assumes his own conclusion: that every Man has a Property in his own Person means the concept of Property is already assumedBut he does take it some way further.

But what exactly does it mean to say that we have mixed our labour with something? Locke gives a 3-stage process for this:

  1. I remove something from the State that Nature hath provided, and left it in
  2. I mix my labour with it 
  3. By so doing, I “join to it” something I already own.

Thus and so, the thing I first espied in nature and then worked with is now mine. But that still leaves many questions.

  • First, why did I choose those particular things to remove from nature? What about them made them so special?
  • What does it mean to “mix my labour” with something? Does dropping my ham sandwich into a concrete block, asks Jeremy Waldron, make that block mine once it hardens? 
  • How much mixing might be necessary? Would walking across an uninhabited continent make it mine, as some Australian aboriginals have claimed?
  • What exactly do I “join to it”? Something tangible? Or, as Karl Olivecrona contends, something intangible like some “spiritual ego”?
  • If something tangible, then may it at some stage be removed? If something intangible (spiritual and perhaps permanent), must ownership rights continue in perpetuity, as tangata whenua sometimes says they do?
  • And why isn’t mixing what I own with what I don’t own a way of losing what I do own, asks Robert Nozick, rather than a way of gaining what I don’t? 

If I own a can of tomato juice and spill it in the sea so that its molecules (made radioactive, so I can check this) mingle evenly throughout the sea, do I thereby come to own the sea, or have I foolishly dissipated my tomato juice?

Fortunately, Locke himself gives some guidance. He gives examples of “mixing labour”: gathering nuts, growing vegetables and fruits, mining ore, drawing water, killing a deer, catching fish, hunting a hare, cultivating land for farming, sewing clothes, baking bread, felling timber, fermenting wine. (Never forget fermenting wine.) So labour is in this sense a goal-directed productive activity – “a rational (or purposeful), value-creating activity,” argues modern-day Lockean Stephen Buckle. “Tis Labour then which puts the greatest part of Value upon Land,” says Locke, “without which it would scarcely be worth any thing: ‘tis to that we owe the greatest part of all its useful Products.” In other words (the words of Adam Mossoff, from whom this short summary comes), 

Labour creates valuable products—and turns worthless land into valuable real estate—because “labour” in this context means production.

And production in Locke’s context is a moral virtue.

If it is a moral obligation for people to preserve themselves, then it follows as a corollary that the means of this preservation is a moral virtue. For mankind, the means of survival are produced goods, such as shelter, clothing and food. Production therefore is the moral action by which a man fulfils his fundamental moral duty: preservation of his life.

Labour in this context means production. And production means a rational (or purposeful), value-creating activity. The result being the fulfilment of a moral duty: the preservation of the labourer’s life.

But these are the words of two modern-day interpreters trying to understand Locke’s infelicitous metaphor, not those of Locke’s himself—which are nowhere near as clear. And they still don’t get us fully down to the root of our cause for which we’re searching.

What is the real root of your rights in property?

The real root of rights

THE ROOT OF ALL RIGHTS is the human need to take action to survive, and the means by which human beings each elect to achieve it. 

Individual rights are ultimately based on the needs of man’s life—they recognise man as a causal agent in his life, and frame the “moral space” within which he may take the actions as of right that are necessary to sustain it.  Unlike other animals we cannot survive as we come into the world; in order to stay alive and to flourish we each need to choose our own means of survival and flourishing (this needing to be first identified before it can be acted upon), and then to produce and to keep the fruits of our production (this needing to be kept so as to make our survival plan worthwhile). If our minds are our means of survival – as Julian Simon used to say, our Ultimate Resource – then property is the result of applying the creative potential of our minds to reality in order to enhance and promote our lives and those we love and interact with.

Other animals survive by acting automatically, instinctively; man survives by using his mind. Animals survive by repeating their actions of the past, by doing what worked yesterday; man survives by by looking towards the future, by using reason.

The protection of individual rights makes the world safe for reason.

The influence of reason shows up in the development of the individual’s conceptual ability to give a sense of present reality to his life in decades to come, and in his identification of himself as a self-responsible causal agent with the power to improve his life. This combination of ideas is what produced in people such attitudes as the realization that hard work pays and that they must accept responsibility for their future by means of saving. The same combination of ideas helped to provide the intellectual foundation for the establishment and extension of private property rights as incentives to production and saving. Private property rights rest on the recognition of the principle of causality in the form that those who are to implement the causes must be motivated by being able to benefit from the effects they create. They also rest on a foundation of secularism—of the recognition of the rightness of being concerned with material improvement.  
                                        (George Reisman, ‘The Philosophical Foundations of Capitalism and Economic Activity,’ in Capitalism)

So how exactly does reason “mix” with reality?  Consider that first question in the section above: why did I choose those particular things to remove from their “State of Nature”? What was it about those particular things made them so special? Carl Menger explains that what we are doing fundamentally in taking things from “the state of nature” is transforming things into goods on the basis of our human reason:

  Things that can be placed in a causal connection with the satisfaction of human needs we term useful things[“Nützlichkeiten”]. If, however, we both recognize this causal connection, and have the power actually to direct the useful things to the satisfaction of our needs, we call them goods
     “If a thing is to become a good, or in other words, if it is to acquire goods-character, all four of the following prerequisites must be simultaneously present: 
     1. A human need. 
     2. Such properties as render the thing capable of being brought into a causal connection with the satisfaction 
        of this need. 
     3. Human knowledge of this causal connection. 
     4. Command of the thing sufficient to direct it to the satisfaction of the need.  
        Only when all four of these prerequisites are present simultaneously can a thing become a good.

                                      (Carl Menger, ‘The General Theory of The Good,’ Principles of Economics)

This is the process by which resources are continually created where before there might have been none – how oil turned from bane to boon and desert turned to pasture. All four of Menger’s “prerequisites” require human reason—Menger saying bluntly that it is not primarily a property of the goods themselves that gives them good-character, “but merely a relationship between certain things and men, the things obviously ceasing to be goods with the disappearance of this relationship.” 

At the very first stage of productive labour then, we see that the “labour” that is most important here is not physical, but intellectual—intellectual effort directed outward to make nature more humane.

Labour is the means by which man’s mind transmits his designs and purposes to matter. It is man’s application of his bodily and mental faculties for the purpose of altering matter in form or location and thereby making the matter thus altered serve a further purpose. . .  
    The physical matter of which natural resources a composed is, of course, not made by man—it is nature-given. Nevertheless, the wealth-character of natural resources is man-made: it is the result of human labour. It is the result of the labour that discovers the uses to which the natural resources can be put, and of the labour that enable them to become accessible in ways that they can be used gainfully. Thus, it is labour [mainly of an intellectual character] that establishes the character of natural resources as goods, and thus as wealth.”  
                                    (George Reisman, ‘Wealth & Labour,’ Capitalism)

Hence:

The source of the goods-character of things is ultimately within us. Goods derive their character as goods by virtue of their ability to benefit human beings. 
                                     (George Reisman, ‘Wealth & Goods,’ in Capitalism)

We’re having a right-old relationship with our goods

And as Menger identifies above, it is the relationship that results between certain things and men that is the primary product of this intellectual labour. Because it’s important to recognise that property cannot simply be equated with objects. More accurately, property refers to a relationship—something tangible (or intangible) in which we have property.  “As long as this is understood, we may use the term ‘property’ to refer either to the object owned or to the relationship of ownership.” [Tara Smith.] It’s more accurate, strictly speaking, to say we have “property in” this or that than it is to say that this or that is property.

We frequently speak as if property denotes goods that a person owns. (‘Leave that alone, it’s my property.’)  Yet property does not refer to objects per se.  For an object is just that. . . An object qualifies as property only insofar as it stands in a certain relationship to some person.  
                                                (Tara Smith, Moral Rights & Political Freedom)

A man is said to have a right to his property, he may be equally said to have a property in his rights.  
                                    (James Madison)

Bear in mind that the right to property is a right to action, like all the others: it is not the right to an object, but to the action and the consequences of producing or earning that object. It is not a guarantee that a man will earn any property, but only a guarantee that he will own it if he earns it. It is the right to gain, to keep, to use and to dispose of material values. 
                                   (Ayn Rand, ‘Man’s Rights’)

And this relationship clearly does not accrue to every man. Because specific individuals have identified these specific things with which they have formed a goods-relationship –those goods being perhaps part of some multi-period production plan requiring the certainty that can only be given by right.

Because, you see, the stuff that sustains human life all has to be createdgoods have to be created--wealth has to be created.  All the wealth in the world that now exists in the world had to be created.  The very act of creating new wealth brings it into a property relationship with the creator.  

Because when we create new wealth, we create new valuesThose new values have an owner.

Individuals do not possess property rights simply because material goods are part of what life requires.  The other essential leg of the case stems from the origin of goods’ value.  
                                  (Tara Smith, Moral Rights & Political Freedom)

So the reason new values have an owner, is because without that owner those new values wouldn’t exist.

Mixing labour? Or rewarding good judgement.

So to return to our start and then reach a conclusion. John Locke’s brilliant analysis of how property rights are applied is undercut by his flawed argument for their justification—and particularly by his flawed metaphor of labour-mixing.  Tibor Machan amends the flaw and concludes as I have here that the fundamental justification for property rights is an entrepreneurial one--not based on a “labour theory of value,” where labour is identified only on its purely physical component, but on the crucially important identification of the role of the mind in production

It’s in this sense that we can understand Ayn Rand’s saying that at root “all property is intellectual property.”

John Locke advanced the theory that when one mixes one’s labour with nature, one gains ownership of that part of nature with which the labour is mixed. Thus, for example, if I gather wood from the forest for a fire, or for materials to build a shelter, I have a ‘natural right’ to what I have gathered, inasmuch as I have ‘mixed my labour’ with it and to that extent put some of myself into it. Since I have a self-evident right to my own body, including my labour, that part of nature that includes myself (i.e., my labour) is also mine. Though Locke held that nature is initially a gift from God to us all, he argued that once we individually mix our labour with some portion of it, it becomes ours alone.  
    This idea, though perhaps commonsensically compelling when limited to simple examples of physical labour such as gathering wood, has not carried wide conviction, mainly because the idea of ‘mixing labour with nature’ is too vague. Does discovering an island count as an act of labour—never mind ‘mixing’ one’s labour? Does exploring the island? Fencing it in? Does identifying (discovering) a scientific truth count as mixing labour with nature? What about inventing a new device based on scientific information available to all? Or trade—should the act of coming to an agreement count as mixing one’s labour with something of value? Challenging examples to Locke’s principle abound.  
    A revised Lockean notion has been advanced in current libertarian thought by way of a theory of entrepreneurship, an idea advanced at about the same time by philosopher James Sadowsky of Fordham University and by economist Israel Kirzner of New York University. The novelist-philosopher Ayn Rand, perhaps the modern era’s most fervent advocate of capitalism based on a theory of the inalienable individual right to life, liberty, and property, also emphasised the moral role of individual judgment and initiative or entrepreneurship. 
    “According to the entrepreneurial model, it is the judgment—no small matter in human affairs where instincts play hardly any role—that fixes something as possessing (potential) value (to oneself or others); and therefore the making of this judgment and acting on it—the alertness and attentiveness of it all—is what earns oneself the status of a property holder. The rational process of forming a judgment is neither automatic nor passive; neither does the process involve more than a minimum overt physical effort, but it is an act of labour nonetheless. What gives the judgment its moral significance is that it is a freely made, initiated choice involving the unique human capacity to reason things out, applied to some aspect of reality and its relationship to one’s purposes and life goals. One exerts the effort to choose to identify something as having potential or actual value. This imparts to it a practical dimension, something to guide one’s actions in life. Whether one is correct or not in any given instance remains to be seen, but in either case the judgment brings the item under one’s jurisdiction on something like a “first come, first served” basis.  
    For example, assume that George identifies some portion of unowned land as being of potential value. Having made this judgment, George now has rightful jurisdiction over the property, so that others may not (rightfully) prevent him from exploring it for oil or minerals, or simply using it to build a museum or a private home. His judgment may have been in error: the land may turn out to be infertile or otherwise unsuitable for his purposes. Even so, given that people require for their lives a sphere of jurisdiction, by having first made and acted upon the decision to select the land, he has appropriated it in a way that cannot be objectionable—indeed, is a prudent effort, at least.
  
                                        (Tibor Machan, ‘The Right to Private Property’)

Property creates new value

So ultimately, what we’re creating with our good judgement is new values.  By identifying and rearranging what nature has given use, we raise materials from a lower value (in relation to us) to a higher value (in relation to us); they move from being things to goods, from being materials to being resources. It is their creation as new goods that is the economic component. It is their creation as new values that is the moral component.

    Consider those things that people hold as property.  What makes the possession of these things desirable is that they serve human purposes. . .  All the things that individuals own … are valuable insofar as they contribute to the fulfilment of some purpose. . .  
    The point is, the goods that individuals own are valuable because of individuals’ efforts. [Individuals had to figure out, for example, that coal could be burnt to produce energy, how it might do so, what ends this might accomplish, and then proceed to locate, extract, transport, and burn coal under suitable conditions to serve those ends. Individuals had to figure out that rubber could be converted into tires, how to do so, why that might be useful, and proceed to harvest and treat the rubber in order to make it serve that function.] These goods are not intrinsically valuable.  Their value is not buried within them, like gifts in boxes, simply awaiting our discovery.  Things’ desirability does not precede individuals’ moulding resources to accomplish various purposes.  It is individuals’ deliberate employment of materials to serve certain needs that supplies things’ value.  Before that human contribution, naturally available resources hold merely the potential to be of value to people, if they are tapped in appropriate ways.  
    The relevance of all this to the defence of property rights is straightforward.  If objects’ value is the result of individual efforts, them objects are valuable only because particular individuals have worked in constructive ways to make things serve some ends.  When this realization is teamed with the egoistic premise that a person is entitled to live for her own benefit, it becomes clear that the value a person creates should be hers to keep and control.   
    Since human effort creates the value that any object possesses—since individuals are responsible for all of a thing’s value—it is appropriate to recognise property rights belonging to the individuals who generate the relevant value.  If a person is entitled to act to promote her own eudaimonia and through her actions creates something that is valuable to her, we have no grounds for denying her right to that product.  
                                 (Tara Smith, Moral Rights & Political Freedom)

Let’s spell out that last again: 

  • Individuals are responsible for all of a thing’s value.
  • that value is a recognition that these things serve individuals’ purposes 
  • it is appropriate to recognise property rights belonging to the individuals who generate the relevant value.  
  • If a person is entitled to act to promote her own eudaimonia and through her actions creates something that is valuable to her, we have no grounds for denying her right to that product.

As we see, this entrepreneurial argument for property is very far removed from the simple notion of “mixing one’s labour.”

And as we saw yesterday, and as explained especially by Ayn Rand and the Austrian economists, it is not just the individual who benefits from that right – though it is not the primary justification of any theory of rights, there is a general benefit from the private ownership of the means of production that can be achieved no other way.  Because in the same way that Thomas Edison’s cleaning lady benefits in her wage packet from the enormous productivity of her employer, so every individual in a division-of-labour society benefits from the creation, production and trade of these new values.

And that is good. And right.

Friday, 29 August 2025

"Real justice means more than equal treatment," apparently

"Labour’s Māori Labour’s Māori caucus fully intends to regain the dominant influence it had during the Ardern-Hipkins government of 2017-23. ...

"[W]hether ... pushback is even possible for [Hipkins] remains moot given it has been observed that [he] can only hang onto the leadership as long as he has the support of his Māori MPs. ...

"Journalists don’t ask Hipkins very often about Labour’s dedication to co-governance and the Treaty as a 'partnership' but it is certain to become an area of contention in the 14 months until the election no matter how much Hipkins wants to avoid it. Particularly, of course, if Peeni Henare and his fellow Māori MPs publicly advocate for it. ...

"Henare’s pledges to electors in the Tāmaki Makaurau seat have been described by some commentators as 'radical.' While that is true, it is equally true they simply represent the same radical policies Ardern and her Māori caucus foisted on an unsuspecting public after Labour gained an outright majority in 2020." 
~ Graham Adams from his post 'By-election puts co-governance in spotlight'
Meanwhile ...
"Human rights law is being used in Aotearoa New Zealand to block Māori aspirations, according to new research by Auckland Law School Associate Professor Andrew Erueti ... Erueti contrasts two competing models for understanding Indigenous rights: a liberal model, based on equal treatment under the law, which tends to limit Māori authority; and a decolonisation model, which recognises that Māori held political authority long before the state existed.

"'And that self-determination means restoring that authority on Māori terms,' he adds. ... 'Real justice means more than equal treatment' ..."

~ from the Auckland University puff piece 'Human rights used to limit Māori governance - academic'

Monday, 11 August 2025

15 YEARS AGO: Here's how Key helped fuel the gravy-train

One advantage of having blogged so long is having written about so many things.

One disadvantage of having blogged so long is watching things you've warned about being ignored.  Here's from 2010, with Eric Crampton's warning in particular now looking especially prescient....

AS YOU MAY HAVE NOTICED, the Government you voted for has signed you up to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples—something Helen Clark herself was opposed to, citing fears it would create “two classes of citizenship and … give indigenous people veto rights over laws made by Parliament.” 

But we already have two legal classes of  citizen, don’t we—something confirmed by Doug Graham when, as Minister in Charge of Treaty Capitulations, he told taxpayers, “The sooner we realise there are laws for one and laws for another, the better." 

So one law for all is officially dead. Pita Sharples grand-standing announcement merely throws another shovelful of dirt on that particular colour-blind aspiration. 

Instead, we now have another aspiration. One endorsed by your government without any conditions whatsoever, despite John Key’s insistence that the Declaration itself is “aspirational and non-binding.” 

Now naturally, Hone Harawira and co have a different view.  Hone has already been on radio insisting the Declaration will be used to support a gravy train of claims for other people’s property, and for truckloads of taxpayers’ money—and one suspects he speaks for many others when he says that, including those who will sit in judgement on such claims. 

And Mai Chen, eager to get in on the gravy, insists the declaration will “have an impact.”

   "‘Declarations … are international obligations and they do form part of the backdrop, the context within which courts do interpret, but it's not just courts its the Waitangi Tribunal and its also direct negotiations… [T]he entire country would appear to fall within the scope of the article, and [the text of the Declaration] generally takes no account of the fact that the land might be occupied or owned legitimately by others.’ 
    “Ms Chen said the Declaration would 'shape Maori expectations in negotiations.”

And the Declaration itself begins by affirming its “good faith in the fulfilment of the obligations assumed by States in accordance with the Charter.” 

So one suspects that this government signing up to the Declaration is going to involve more than just a little “aspirational” window-dressing. 

SO WHAT DOES IT CONTAIN,THIS DECLARATION? It should be no surprise to find that a UN Declaration with “rights” in the title contains a welter of manufactured “rights” that trample over genuine rights And if it were simply an enumeration of genuine rights—rights to life, liberty, free speech, the pursuit of property and happiness—it would hardly need the modifier “rights of indigenous people” added to it, as if by virtue of their indigeneity some individuals are more endowed with rights than others. 

As if to confirm that, The Declaration’s preamble talks about being “the basis for a strengthened partnership between indigenous peoples and States”—affirming as clearly as one could that “there are laws for one & laws for another.” 

It speaks of affirming to “peoples their right to self-determination”—ignoring that such a right pertains only to individualsnot to a collective

And the Declaration itself outlines specific “rights” which it says shall be upheld by “the States” which have affirmed it: 

  • “the right [of indigenous people] to freely determine their political status”

Which “right” is a recipe for separatism.

  • “the right to autonomy or self-government in matters relating to their internal and local affairs”

Which “right” is a guarantee that separatism will be upheld by “the State.”

  • “the right not to be subjected to forced assimilation or destruction of their culture… States shall provide effective mechanisms for prevention of, and redress for [this]”

Which “right” requires the State to subsidise for ever whatever parts of indigenous culture claimants will assert are being destroyed.

  • “the right to belong to an indigenous community or nation, in accordance with the traditions and customs of the community or nation concerned”

The “right” to subsidised separatism, in whatever form of tribalism that will manifest itself.

  • “the right to revitalize, use, develop and transmit to future generations their histories, languages, oral traditions, philosophies, writing systems and literatures, and to designate and retain their own names for communities, places and persons.”

A “right” to the subsidised education of tribalism and mysticism, and to the re-naming of New Zealand.

  • “States shall … take effective measures, in order for indigenous individuals, particularly children… to an education in their own culture and provided in their own language.”

The “right” to kohanga reo for ever.

  • “the right to establish their own media in their own languages”

The “right” to Maori TV for ever.

  • “the right to participate in decision-making in matters which would affect their rights, through representatives chosen by themselves in accordance with their own procedures, as well as to maintain and develop their own indigenous decision-making institutions.”
  • “States shall consult and cooperate in good faith with the indigenous peoples concerned through their own representative institutions in order to obtain their free, prior and informed consent before adopting and implementing legislative or administrative measures that may affect them.”

The explicit creation of two classes of citizenship, and the “right” to veto that Helen Clark was so concerned about.

  • “the right … to the improvement of their economic and social conditions, including, inter alia, in the areas of education, employment, vocational training and retraining, housing, sanitation, health and social security. 
    States shall take effective measures and, where appropriate, special measures to ensure continuing improvement of their economic and social conditions…”

The “right” to special racist welfare. 

  • “the right to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands, territories, waters and coastal seas and other resources”

The “right” to dream up a new basis of land claim for any part of New Zealand whatsoever.

  • the right "to own use, develop or control lands and territories they have traditionally owned, occupied or used"

As New Zealand's former permanent representative to the UN, diplomat Rosemary Banks, says “the entire country was potentially caught within the scope of that article. ‘The article appears to require recognition of rights to lands now lawfully owned by other citizens, both indigenous and non-indigenous ... Furthermore, this article implies indigenous peoples have rights that others do not.’"

  • “the right to redress, by means that can include restitution or, when this is not possible, just, fair and equitable compensation, for the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned or otherwise occupied or used, and which have been confiscated, taken, occupied, used or damaged without their free, prior and informed consent.”

Providing the basis for a whole new cycle of claimants to ride a new gravy train. 

I COULD GO ON, BUT I suspect you already get the point. 

This is simply a whole litany of bogus “rights” with which the Hone Harawiras and Tame Itis of this country will have a field day.  For them and their lawyers, this is like Christmas in April. 

The affirmation of these bogus rights is John Key writing a blank cheque on taxpayers to buy the Maori Party for a generation. And just in case you think this isn’t the sound of someone putting their hand in your pocket, take a look at Article 39

    “Indigenous peoples have the right to have access to financial and technical assistance from States and through international cooperation, for the enjoyment of the rights contained in this Declaration.”

The Declaration is nothing less than a manifesto for subsidised separatism. 

As Ayn Rand said of a similar list of entitlements “rights”: 

    “A single question added to each of the above eight clauses would make the issue clear: At whose expense?     “[These so-called rights] do not grow in nature. These are man-made values—goods and services produced by men. Who is to provide them?     “If some men are entitled by right to the products of the work of others, it means that those others are deprived of rights and condemned to slave labor.     “Any alleged "right" of one man, which necessitates the violation of the rights of another, is not and cannot be a right.”

Take note here that “The State” itself has no money of its own—every dollar must first be taken from others. The bogus “rights” affirmed here, to which New Zealand is now a signatory, require of taxpayers that they provide a cradle-to-grave ATM machine for whatever tribalists want, including the property of taxpayers, creating “two classes of citizenship and … giving indigenous people veto rights over laws made by Parliament,” just as Helen Clark feared it would. 

One law for all is officially dead. 

And parliament’s One-Law-For-All party?  The party propping up a government giving tribalists more even than Helen Clark was prepared to? What about them? Fear not, punters, for fearless leader Rodney Hide says the Declaration and the secrecy with which it was announced “is not a deal-breaker." 

Given what ACT supporters have already swallowed, one wonders if anything ever would be.

NBEric Crampton sees informative parallels “between New Zealand signing on to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and Canada's constitutional wranglings over Quebec as a'"Distinct Society'."